
A five-day demonstration starting on March 8, 1979
The Conference of Unity of Women in December 1979
Demonstrations after Khomeini's decree on eliminating any symbol reminiscent of the Shah's rule. A consequence of that decree was forced Hijab.
These collective attempts,as well as the smaller ones, not only faced opposition from the Islamic conservatives, but were sometimes damaged by the leftist and rightist political groups, exemplified by the organization of a demonstration scheduled by the Fedai for the same day as that of the Conference of Unity of Women in December 1979 — despite the pleas —mentioned above. In fact, most leftist groups did not have a well-established vision or plan for pursuing women's rights. The status of women, it was presumed, would be improved automatically by the establishment of an ideal socialist/communist society.
The Islamic law --Sharia-- upon which the foundation of the new regime had been based, was also not helping women's cause either. Aspects of this Islamic law pertaining to women can be seen in Articles 20 and 21 of the 1979 constitution. Manifestations of Islamic law are now infamous among women's rights activists: stoning and polygamy, to name two.
Iranian feminists who reside outside Iran generally fall into two camps when it comes o the women's rights movement in Iran, post '79. Some believe that Islamization has resulted in "marginalizing" of women. Others believe that through the dynamic nature (based on different interpretations by the religious figures) of Islamic law, known as Sharia, a unique consciousness of feminism has been formed in Iran. Both these views have been challenged. It has been argued that it is "the contradiction of the Islamic state and institutions", that is responsible for feminist consciousness.
Among the women's rights activists in Iran, feminism means different things. Furthermore, the word feminist itself has a non-positive connotation among conservatives. It is perceived as advocacy for gynocracy, lesbianism and other perceived radical agendas. A major contrast is seen between secular feminists and those who are dubbed Islamic feminists, on the nature of feminism.
Islamic feminists, or more accurately Muslim feminists, are those women rights advocates who seek to improve the status of women through more favorable interpretations of Islamic law, supporting what is called "Dynamic Interpretation" ("Feqh-e pouya" in Persian). Some Muslim feminists would rather be called "indigenous feminists" (feminist-e boomi). Many secular feminists, however, while considering the desire amongst Muslim feminists to improve the status of women a positive one, hold that due to the inequality of women and men in the religion, Islamic feminists cannot be considered "feminists" in the strict sense of the word.
Despite the disagreements among different factions, when it comes to the improvement of women's conditions, feminist groups have shown that they can cooperate with an emphasis on common ground. The chief editor of Zanan magazin, Shahla Sherkat, for example, a woman with definite religious beliefs, invited two prominent secular women rights activists, Shirin Ebadi, and Mehrangiz Kar, to write on women's issues in her magazine.